Dr Menashe Har-El
Throughout history, and particularly
under Jewish rule, Jerusalem has been
the main city in the Judaean Hills, and
the chief reason is its geography.
Jerusalem stands atop a range of hills,
encircled and protected by deep valleys,
at the junction of mountain highways,
and has always enjoyed an excellent
economy, between grainfields to the
West and the desert to the East, and
with a good supply of water.
The Canaanite Period
(330-1200 BCE)
The city is called “Rushalmam” in
Egyptian execration texts of the
nineteenth century BCE; Kathleen
Kenyon discovered a nine-foot-thick
wall of this period near the Spring of
Gihon. In the days of the Patriarch
Abraham, Jerusalem was governed by
Melchizedek, described in chapter x1v
of Genesis as “King of Salem” and “the
priest of the most high God”, a
description suggesting its importance
and holiness even in Abraham’s time
and hinting at identification with Mount
Moriah.
It probably gained its sacred character
from the Spring of Gihon, the largest
source on the hill-top and held by the
ancients to be of miraculous property,
as its waters rise and fall at regular
intervals. Hence, too, several kings of
Judah were crowned beside it.
Jerusalem is mentioned in the Tell elAmarna letters, written in the
fourteenth century BCE, as the
principal town of Canaan. At the time
of the Israelite entry into the Promised
Land in the following century, its
Amorite king, seemingly a vassal of
Egypt, led an alliance of the
kings of the mountains and the plains,
banded together to fight the Tribes.
The First Temple Period
(1200-586 BCE)
In the reign of David, Jerusalem was a
Jebusite city (H Samuel v:6). David
brought the Ark of the Covenant from
Kiryat Ye’arim to Jerusalem, and bought
a threshing-floor from Araunah. the
Jebusite as site of an altar (11 Samuel 24:24).
By this act, he made Jerusalem the
centre of worship of theTribes, but the
Temple was built by his son Solomon,
and thenceforward Jerusalem became
the unique focus of Jewish creed and
nationhood.
Solomon did more: he launched a vast
building programme and concluded
pacts with the kings of Egypt, Ammon,
Moab, Tyre and the Hittites, that gave
the city international renown. From its
foundation and throughout the
Canaanite period, Jerusalem had been
a provincial capital and no mote; only
under the kings of Israel did it become
the national and political capital of
Jewry, the very heart of its faith and
philosophy, symbobsing the unity of the
Tribes.
The Second Temple Period
(586 BCE-70 CE)
Jewish authority in Jerusalem and Judah
became firmly entrenched again after
the return from the Babylonian Exile.
Under the Hasmonacans, sovereign
Jewish sway was extended over the
entire Land. Nehemiah had repaired the
city walls in fifty-two days (Neheiniah
iv), Hastrionean Hyrcanus rebuilt them
and their watch-towers.
Ten thousand builders and a thousand
priests toiled to build Herod’s Terriple,
a thousand chariots hauled the building
materials. The courtyard and
colonnades took eight years to finish,
the Sanctuary itself only eighteen
months. The Sages could rightly say,
“Who has not seen the Sanctuary has
not seen a magnificent building.” But
the total rebuilding of Jerusalem and
its walls in Herod’s days took
approximately forty-six years.
During the Second Temple period, a
span of about six hundred years,
Jerusalem drew the prayers and
commanded the allegiatice of everyjew
in the Land and the Diaspora alike: the
First Temple had been a centre of
veneration and national liturgy forJews
in the Land alone, The sanctity of the
city was evident in learning of the
Torah, pilgrimages, the establishment
of schools and synagogues. Synagogues
were built for public worship, but the
Temple was the hub of communal fife
in Jerusalem and the supreme national
institution of Jewry throughout
the world.
Jews were under religious commandment
not only to make pilgrimages to the
Holy Land but to settle there. Christians
and Moslems were content with
pilgrimage. Even when the Temple no
longer stood, Jews everywhere regarded
it, nonetheless, as a Divine behest to
make their devotions in a Jerusalem that
lay in ruins.
The Roman Period (70-324 CE)
Jews lived on in Jerusalem and
worshipped their God amid the
wreckage of the Temple Mount. Such
was the strength of this passionate
attachment that, when the Emperor
Hadrian sought to establish a Roman
town upon the Mount, defiling the holy
city, rebellion broke out under BarKochba and the Jews recap rured it for
a time (132-135 CE). The revolt was
bloodily suppressed and the Romans
forbade Jews to dwell in Jerusalem, on
pain of death.
Yet, the lament entitled AnZai Expanon
(”Cedars of Lebanon”), written
immediately after the rising collapsed,
tells that a certain “Rabbil-lanina BenTaradion gathers after him
congregations in ravished Zion”, an
indication, perhaps, that the anti-Jewish
decree was not, in fact, enforced, and
the soil of the Land was still sacred to
Jews. Defying Roman edicts,
synagogues were established in the third
century on Mount Zion in Jerusalem
itself and throughout the Land,
particularly in Galilee.
The Byzantine Period (324-637)
Jerusalem had become holy to a rising
Christianity, and, early in the fourth
century, Constantine the Great and his
mother Helena built magnificent
churches there, but now Jews were
excluded, and for a time Jerusalem was
the only city in the Land with a Christian
majority. Jerome, writing in the fourth
century, mentions that Jews might only
enter on the Ninth of Av, to mourn the
quenching of past glory: “Silently they
come and silen dy they go, weeping they
come and weeping they go, in the dark
night they come and in the dark night
they go,” as the Sages told.
The Traveller of Bordeaux, writing in
333, speaks of that marked stone on
the Temple Mount whither Jews went
to pray In 362, at last, the Emperor
Julian promised a delegation of Syrian
and Cilician Jewry: “I shall rebuild the
Sanctuary of the most high God with
all vigour.” But a mysterious fire that
broke out on the Temple Mount during
the early stage of the building operation
brought the project to an abrupt halt,
and it was never renewed. In 443,
heartened by the goodwill of the
Empress Eudocia, Jewry again dreamt
of the Day of Redemption, and from
Jerusalem a message went to the
Diaspora:
The time of the Exile of our people
has already passed and the Day of
the Ingathering of the Tribes come. The
kings of the Romans have bidden that
our city, Jerusalem, be returned to us.
Make haste and come up to Jerusalem
for the Feast of Tabernacles.
Manifestly, jews were being vouch safed
to dwell peocefullyinjerusalem. St. Cyril
of Scythopolis records that St. Sabbas
journeyed to Constantinople in 512 to
persuade the Emperor to exempt the
poor of Jerusalem from taxation while
a certain Marianus went to the Emperor
to denounce the exemption of theJews:
it may be inferred that the Jewish
population enjoyed a modicum of equal
rights.
But Justinian, in the early sixth century,
enacted discriminatory laws and Jews
were denied the holding of government
office: humiliation was carried to such
lengths that their stone of prayer on the
Temple Mount was littered with
garbage.
The Later Persian Period (614-629)
Upon the Persian conquest of Palestine,
a pact was concluded between the
Persians and its Jews, one mutually
desirable: the Jews hoped for the
restoration of Jewish autonomy, the
rebuilding of Jerusalem and the Temple,
the Persians needed Jewish help to gain
control of the Eastern Mediterranean.
A Jewish administration was, indeed,
established in Jerusalem and worship
renewed. But, in 629, the Byzantine
Emperor Heraelms seized the city and
“decreed the expulsion of the Jews to a
distance of three miles. In 638, it fell to
the army of the Cqhph Orrar.
The Early Moslem Period:
The Umayad Caliphate
(638-750)
Jewish soldiers had served in Omar’s
victorious army, and he countenanced
the renewal of Jewish settlement in
Palestine and Jerusalem, declaring that
the Moslems had come to the country
because they were kinsmen of the
Israelites, both being scions of
Abraham. Contemporary Arab writers
record that stones were piled on the
Temple Mount by thejews, in readiness
for the rebuilding of the Temple; the
Moslems did, in truth, deliver the
Mount into Jewish hands, and Jews
could celebrate the Feast of Tabernacles
upon it.
So now, Jerusalem was a city holy to
three faiths, if not in equal measure,
Arabia was to Islam what the Land of
Israel was to Judaism, and, in any event,
Palestine was never independent under
Moslem aegis; its governance
throughout that period was entrusted
to overlords in Damascus, Baghdad,
Cairo or Constantinople.
But Omar at least proclaimed the
Temple Mount to be a place of jewish
prayer. By the Jews this was eagerly and
happily interpreted as a sign of the
beginning of Redemption. Omar
asked the Jews-where do you wish to
live in the city? And they answered-at
the southern end of the city, which is
the Jews’ market. And [the reason for]
their plea was the proximity of the
Temple and its relics and the waters of
Siloam for immersion- And the Emir
of the Faithful gave this to them.” The
Jewish quarter - or market - lay near
the Western Wall.
Under the Umayyad Caliphate, Syria and
Palestine were the major provinces of
the Moslem empire with its capital in
Damascus. Between 691 and 697, Abd
al-Mahk built the Dome of the Rock in
Jerusalem is monument rather than
mosque, and his elder son al Walid built
the mosque of El Aqsa beside it, and
in El Aqsa, since Mecca was far away,
the Moslems of Syria and Palestine
began to hold their festal services.
Mughir ad-Din says that Jewish families
were actually appointed guardians of
the Haram of Abd al-Malik. Suleiman,
his second son, chose to live in Palestine
and built Ramla to be its capital,
relegating Jerusalem to humble
provinciality. The townsfolk of
Palestine consisted of Jews, Arabs,
Persians and Samaritans, all living side
by side - in Tiberias and its
surroundings, in Dan, Haifa, Jaffa,
Jerusalem and Hebron, and as far south
as the Jewish settlement of Filar. Jews
flocked to Jerusalem after the Moslem
conquest, and their community had
quickly become the most important in
the country, so that jewry everywhere
looked no longer to Tiberias but to
Jerusalem.
The Abbasid Caliphate
(750-969)
Baghdad, not Damascus, was the capital
now. In the Abbasid heyday, the
importance of Jerusalem dwindled by
reason of its remoteness from the
“metropolis”, and Mecca became the
magnet of the Moslem devout. Haroun
al-Rashid made that pilgrimage every
second year, but never once to
Jerusalem, for the Abbasid Caliphs, in
general, neglected Jerusalem; only
Mamoun (813-833) gave money to
repair Moslem institutions on the
Temple Mount. The viceroys of the
Abb-asids and of their successors, the
Fatimids, governed Palestine from
Rainla. Meanwhile Jewish fife went on.
It is of this period that Rabbi Ben-Meir,
principal of the Palestinian Academy,
tells that the courtyard of the Temple
Mount was a meefing-place for Jews.
The Fatimid Caliphate
(969-1071)
Al-Hakian, Fatayrid despot of Egypt,
first ordered that the synagogues and
churches of Jerusalem be destroyed, but
in the end relented and Jews and
Christians were permitted to rebuild
them. Salmon Ben-Yeruham, the
Karaite, writes in the middle of the
tenth century: ‘When the Kingdom of
Ishmael appeared, Israel was given
licence to enter and live there
Derusalem] and the courtyards of the
House of the Lord were handed back
to them, and there for years they
prayed.”
The Seljuks took Jerusalem in 1071 in
an assault of unbridled devastation. As
Se1juks and Fatimids fought thereafter,
the citizenry of Palestine grew less and
less, The Arab historian, al-Muclaclassi,
who lived in Jerusalem in that century,
writes that, after four hundred years of
Moslem rule in Palestine, “the scholar
of religious law is forsaken, and the
secular scholar is not to be seen-the
Jews and the Christians have long since
superseded them, and the mosque is
empty of worshippers and of the secret
of study.”
Sahal Ben-Matzliah, a resident in
Jerusalem at the end of the previous
century, writes: “Our brothers knew
that Jerusalem in this time was a
sanctuary for every fugitive, a comfort
for every mourner and a repose for
every pauper, and the worshippers of
the Lord congregate within it, one from
the town and two from the family
[Meaning, in large numbers]…”
Neveragain- from the Seljuk conquest
until the twentieth century- was
Jerusalem to be under Arab hegemony.
The Early Crusader Period
(1099-1187)
Crusader Jerusalem was circumscribed
in area, and its walls followed the lines
of those standing today. Godfrey de
Bouillon always stressed that the
territory which he had conquered was
the Land of Israel: the letter in which
he informed the Pope of his taking of
Jerusalem bore the superscription: “cle
Terra Israel”. But in the ravaging of
Jerusalem, the Crusaders slaughtered
Moslems and Jews indiscriminately, and
set fire to the Jewish quarter, in those
days sited to the north of the Temple
Mount, burning its synagogues, one of
them with all its worshippers.
A Ci:usader ordinance specifically
banned Jewish and Moslem settlement
in Jerusalem as profane, and the
wrecked and deserted Jewish quarter
was given over to Syrian Christians. But
Benjamin of Tudela (1170) could
report: “And there is a dye-factory there,
which the Jews rent yearly from the
king, so that no man but the Jews shall
do any dyeing work in Jerusalem, and
there are about two hundred Jews Living
below the Tower of David at the limits
of the City-State,”
The Late Crusader Period
(1187-1260)
The Ayyubid Sultan Saladin and his
successors favoured the dwelling of
Eastern Jews and Christians in
Jerusalem. That great soldier and
statesman recognized the Jewish right
to the Land, but was also mindful that
Jews had fought in the Arab ranks to
take Jerusalem from the Crusaders.
Alhqrizi (1170-1235) recounts that, after
Saladin’s proclamation, “three hundred
rabbis” from France and England came
to live in Palestine, andjews from North
Africa, accompanied by Moslems, to Live
in Jerusalem itself.
The Mamluks (1260-1516)
Saladin had permitted Moslems and
Jews once more to live at least in the
hilly parts of Palestnie, and the ban on
Jewish residence in Jerusalem was
formally Lifted, but Jews did not be&
to return in any numbers until the
coming and encouragement of,
Nahmarrides. In 1267, he had found two
lonely Jewish farralies, and wrote to his
son: “Only rwoJews, brothers, dyers by
trade, did I find. And behold, we pressed
them, and we found a ruined housewith
marble pillars and a beautiful dome, and
we took it [to serve] as a synagogue …
and they already began to build, and we
sent to the town of Shechem [Nablus],
to bring thence the Scrolls of the Law,
which had been in Jerusalem and had
been smuggled out when the Tartars
came, and, behold, they built a
synagogue and they will pray there, for
many come to Jerusalem all the time,
men and women, to see the site of the
Temple and weep over it…”
A. Lunz notes that “the Jews then
established a special quarter in the south
of the Old City near Mount Zion, and
the life of the Jewish settlement
centered around the synagogue of
Nahmanides, which the Moslems
sought to seize from them.”
The Mamiluks ruled Jerusalem from
Cairo. Accordingly, many jewish citizens
left what was again a provincial city, and
went to Damascus and Egypt, and
thence, on to Turkey.
Earthquake, epidemic, drought locust,
plagues and famine precipitated this
Inigration; but there were, as well, the
tyranny of the court in Cairo,
persecution by petty satraps governing
from Syria, and the cruelty of local
emirs, whereof the upshot was anarchy,
peasant uprisings and Bedouin raids.
Arab writers speak of Mamluk
recognition of the links between the
Jewish people and its Land, and of
Marnluk plans to discuss the restoration
to it of the whole of Palestine. All the
same, Jews had to wear yellow turbans,
Samaritans red ones and Christians blue
ones; the Moslem turbans were white.
But the Mamluks oppressed their
Moslem subjects in Palestine no less:
according to a Moslem account, the fate
of a slave was preferable to a farmer’s.
When Rabbi Ovadia of Bertinoro
(1415-1510) settled injerusalem, things
improved for the Jewish community
under his inspiring leadership, and there
was an influx from Spain and Portugal.
At this stage, the Ottoman conquest of
Constantinople, the end of the
Byzantine empire, and the expulsion of
the Jews from Spain marked a turningpoint [n the history of the Jewish
congregations in the Land of Israel, and
signified a new and large return.
The Ottoman Period
(1516-1917)
The Turks ruled Palestine for four
hundred years. Though still denied
autonomous statehood, Palestine now
entered the global scene of merchant
and trader. Suleiman the Magnificent
repaired and rebuilt the walls and gates
of Jerusalem (1537), restored the
Citadel of David, improved the city’s
water supply; like his predecessor, Selim,
he employed Jewish physicians -,it his
court. In the late sixteenth century,
Sultan Bayezid 11 called upon Jews to
settle in his new domain; Spanish Jews
from Salonica, Constantinople,
Adrianople and other Turkish centres
responded to the call, settling in
Tiberias, Safad and Jerusalem.
Palestine’s status as the spiritual home
of Jcwry rose momentously.
With the arrival of Spanish refugees, the
Jewish population rose, and this
Sephardic element was to characterise
Jewish settlement for virtually the next,
four centuries. It was now that the
splendid complex of four Sephardic
houses of worship came into being on
the traditional site of the Academy of
Rabbi Yohanan Ben Zakkai. Yet the
community in Jerusalem began to
contract as a result of burdensome
taxation and confiscation of property,
until only the poor were left: the
Ottomans levied a poll tax, a watch-andward tax, a tax on gifts at festivals, a
Government-aid tax and a land tax.
After the massacres in the Caucasus in
1648 and 1656, Jews made their long
way to Palestine from Russia and
Poland. In 1700, Rabbijudah Hehassid
assembled his disciples and set out for
Palestine with fifteen hundred of them,
to hasten the coining of the
Redemption. He bought the plot of
land upon which Nahmanides had built
his synagogue, and on it set up his own
conventicle, which, after his death, came
to be known as the “Hurva”. In 1721,
the Arabs burnt it down with its forty
Scrolls of the Law, and the Ashkenazi
Jews then prayed in the principal
Sephardi place of worship; the “Hurva”
was rebuilt in 1837.
In 1777, the Hassidic Rabbi Menahem
Mendel of Vitebsk brought three
hundred of his followers from the
Ukraine, Lithuania and Rumania.
After Sir Moses Montefiore visited
Palestine in the mid-nineteenth century,
the condition of the Jews of Jerusalem
became better and their area of
settlement wider. The first Jewish
quarters were established outside the
city walls, and Jewish hospitals and
educational institutions founded.
Yitzhak Ben-Zvi wrote: “There were
periods of devastation and ruin in
Jerusalem, as occurred in Safad; yet the
Jewish population withstood the
onslaught, and settlement was never
abandoned.”
For, in truth, no town in Palestine could
be like unto Jerusalem. Jerusalem was
the only city in which Jews had
succeeded in holding out for two
thousands years after the fall of the
Second Temple, despite religious and
economic sanctions, pain of death for
entry, and widespread havoc. The Jews
always believed that they were but
regaining what had been taken from
them by force. Under alien dornination
Jerusalem was never a great city; on the
contrary, it lost size. Only underjewish
rule did it expand, and its population,
Jewish and non-Jewish, increase.
Population and Extent of the City
Throughout the Ages
Under Melchizedek, in the days of the
Patriarchs, and under the Amorites in
the time of Joshua, Jerusalem was the
capital of the southern region of the
Hills of Judah and the plain. jebusite
Jerusalem covered only ten acres. Under
Solomon, it was the capital of the Land
of Israel, and, under the kings of Judah,
the upper and lower cities extended over
an area sixteen times as large. Jerusalem
was constricted under Persian rule, but
expanded again under the Hasmonean
dynasty, and attained its zenith iii’the
late Second Temple period, to cover
four hundred and fifty acres and house
a population of two hundred thousand
(equal to the total population of
Palestine at the end of the nineteen
century). It was at its highest level of
development in respect of water supply
and neighbouthood farming. After the
death of Herod, and until the BarKochba revolt, the Roman governors
ruled judaca from Caesarea, and, from
Hadrian’s reign onwards, the limits of
the neglected city shrank to two
hundred acres.
The Byzantines, too, dignified Caesarea
as the capital of Palestine, although
Christendom held Jerusalem-now
peopled by only eighty thousand souls
-in holy regard. The Moslem
conquerors shifted the capital to Rarrila,
as we saw, and at its peak was a Moslem
city under the Fadmids in the eleventh
century. Jerusalem’s population was no
more than thirty thousand and its area
less than a square kilomette, not half
its dimension in Second Temple days.
When the Crusaders entered, the count
of Citizens was about the same- Arabs
and Jews, but thereafter it dropped to a
handful of three thousand, even
including Syrian Christians and the
Christian Bedouin attracted to
Jerusalem by Baldwin by pledges of tax
exemption. True, the Crusaders had
regarded Jerusalem as a sacred city, and
expelled its Jews and Moslems, but they
chose Acre as their political and
economic capital. At its peak Crusader
Jerusalem’s population reached 30,000.
Under Mam Ink control, Jerusalem’s
fertile hinterland was rui-ned by
systematic robbery, so that, from the
final Mamluk period, and through the
Ottoman rule up to the
eighteenth century, the population of
the city swung sparsely from ten to
fifteen thousand. By the end of the
century, the total population was only
two hundred thousand, a density lower
than any since the Canaanite period.
From 1860 onwards, Jewish and
Christian quarters were established
outside Jerusalem’s walls. The city was
linked to the telegraph network and a
carriage-way built to Jaffa and other
towns. In 1892, theierusalem Jaffa line,
one of the earliest railways in the Middle
East, began to run. Towards the end of
the nineteenth century, Jerusalem had
a population of twenty-five thousand;
with Zionist aliya it rose to seventy-five
thousand, fifty thousand of theinjews.
At the close of the century, 60 per cent
of all Palestinian Jewry lived in
Jerusalem. Thereafter, the Arab
population also rose, both in Jerusalem
and throughout Pales-tine and
Transjordan.
At the termination of the British
Mandate in 1948, there were a hundred
and sixty-five thousand. residents in
Jerusalem as a whole, of whom a
hundred thousand were Jews; of the
Arabs and others, thirty-three thousand
lived in the Old City. The area of the
Jewish city was 25.76 square kin., double
its size at the beginning of the twentieth
century, The Arab part had an area of
2.6 square km, of which the Old City
constituted a third. Twenty years later,
in a reunified Jerusalem, the Jewish
population had doubled to
approximately two hundred thousand,
equal to the population in the late
Second Temple period, the Arab
population was unaltered at sixty-five
thousand, twenty-four thousand
residing in the Old City.
This entry was posted
on Wednesday, August 29th, 2001 and is filed under history.