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FM Livni tells Berlin Conference [unmet] requirements for ceasefire

[Dr. Aaron Lerner - IMRA:

Once again, FM Livni pontificates before an international group regarding Israel’s requirements while the Government she serves in fails to make agreements that meet these requirements:

“To restore calm for a short period and at the same time being obligated to ensure that the calm does not strengthen the Hamas…” This when the “calm” places absolutely no restrictions on activities within the Gaza Strip to strengthen Hamas.

For the sake of order, the following are just some of the things that Hamas can do during the “calm” agreement: - manufacture rockets. - place land mines - build fortified positions and bunkers - including but not limited to adjacent to the Gaza Strip fence with Israel - dig tunnels reaching across the fence - recruit, arm and train and unlimited number of soldiers ]

Excerpts from FM Livni’s 24.6.08 address to the Berlin Conference http://tinyurl.com/6hlf7q

Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Livni participated in and addressed the Berlin Conference in Support of Palestinian Civil Police and the Rule of Law. Following are excerpts from her address.

Distinguished leaders,

Allow me to share my deliberations and decision-making process with you, as an Israeli leader and as head of the negotiation team with the Palestinian Authority.

Israel has already made it clear that it is willing to accept territorial compromise in return for peace. I believe that the majority of the Israeli public is willing to accept this, provided actual territorial concessions will occur only when we are certain of what will happen on the other side of the border.

We cannot simply determine the border of the Palestinian state, without being able to hand over the keys to an effective and responsible government able to restore law and order - the subject of today’s conference - on the other side.

Security, law and order are necessary conditions that must exist prior to the establishment of the Palestinian state. Our ability for compromise during negotiations is dependant on real change in these areas, and also upon appropriate arrangements in the agreement. The faith of the Israeli public in the process is dependant on that.

Israel will not accept another extreme Islamic state - another terror state in the area - or a situation wherein a state is unable to fulfill its commitments and to control its own territory.

Take the example of the Gaza Strip. We disengaged from Gaza; we evacuated settlements and redeployed our military. In return, we got terror. The Israeli government, as a result, has been forced to choose, even in the last few days, between three complex options in our decision making process with regard to Gaza:

1. A continuance of rocket firing and terror from Gaza into Israeli territory, targeted at Israeli civilians - this has not been and will not be acceptable to us.

2. To engage in a military operation - the recapturing of Gaza - is not in our best interests but may become a reality despite that.

3. To restore calm for a short period and at the same time being obligated to ensure that the calm does not strengthen the Hamas - an extreme Islamic movement that does not represent the Palestinian interests and does not recognize Israel’s right to exist - as was demanded by the Quartet.

The situation in the Gaza Strip must change, and while coping with the problems Gaza creates, it must be clarified that none of us, including those sitting in this room, can permit ourselves to take a similar risk regarding the West Bank.

The actual security situation in the West Bank, and certainly in Gaza, continues to be difficult. This must change.

You must understand that our ability to remove a roadblock is determined by the security of Israelis on its other side.

We must be certain that we are not putting our citizens at risk in any situation.

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